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Until it was too late, few understood one like Julius C.
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This was the American people's first experience with dialectic according to Marx and Lenin. Opposite and violently hostile ideas were represented by the same word signs. Writing at some distance in time he will be much less impressed by the fact that it was peacefully accomplished than by the marvelous technique of bringing it to pass not only within the form but within the word, so that people were all the while fixed in the delusion that they were talking about the same things because they were using the same words.
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The curve is consistent.Īt the end of the first year, in his annual message to the Congress, January 4, 1934, President Roosevelt said, "It is to the eternal credit of the American people that this tremendous readjustment of our national life is being accomplished peacefully."īut the revolutionary historian will go much further. Draw a curve to represent the rise of executive power and look there for the mistakes. Executive power over the social and economic life of the nation was increased. Every miracle it passed, whether it went right or wrong, had one result. As deLawd said in The Green Pastures, that when you have passed a miracle you have to pass another one to take care of it, so it was with the New Deal. It is compounded by a longer law, by more decrees and regulations, by further extensions of the administrative hand. In a revolutionary situation, mistakes and failures are not what they seem.
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The end held constantly in view was power. The effect was to keep people excited about one thing at a time, and divided, while steadily through all the uproar of outrage and confusion a certain end, held constantly in view, was pursued by main intention. Having passed this crisis, the New Deal went on from one problem to another, taking them in the proper order, according to revolutionary technique and if the handling of one was inconsistent with the handling of another, even to the point of nullity, that was blunder in reverse. What happened was that one followed another in exactly the right order, not one out of time or out of place. But more than that, they had to be taken in a certain sequence, with forethought and precision of timing. In this case certain steps were necessary. That comes when the actual seizure of power is taking place. No matter how carefully a revolution may have been planned there is bound to be a crucial time. The test came in the first one hundred days. For what it meant to do, it was from the beginning consistent in principle, resourceful, intelligent, masterly in workmanship, and it made not one mistake. Its meaning was revolutionary and it had no other. Regarded from the point of view of revolutionary technique, it made perfect sense. Worse outwitted were those who kept trying to make sense of the New Deal from the point of view of all that was implicit in the American scheme, charging it therefore with contradiction, fallacy, economic ignorance, and general incompetence to govern.īut it could not be so embarrassed, and all that line was wasted, because, in the first place, it never intended to make that kind of sense, and secondly, it took off from nothing that was implicit in the American scheme. More than 2,000 years ago he wrote of what can happen within the form, when "one thing takes the place of another, so that the ancient laws will remain, while the power will be in the hands of those who have brought about revolution in the state." There are those who have never ceased to say very earnestly, "Something is going to happen to the American form of government if we don't watch out." These were the innocent disarmers. It went by in the Night of Depression, singing songs to freedom. But they are gazing in the wrong direction. There are those who still think they are holding the pass against a revolution that may be coming up the road.